Morocco/parliamentary election | Morocco: One country, two worlds

Protesters in Casablanca's Mohed V Square demand reforms to public health and education following deaths in a hospital. Photo: AFP/Abdel Majid Bziouat The mild late summer weather has attracted many families to Bab Al-Ahad Square. Here at the entrance to the Medina of Rabat, children play, people discuss quietly or read the newspaper. The Moroccan capital is recovering from a tourist season that was characterized by never-ending heat waves, heavy rain and the rush of visitors for the Africa Cup of Nations. A kind of dress rehearsal for the 2030 World Cup, which is scheduled to take place in Spain, Portugal and Morocco. A historic project that is intended to bring the nation of 32 million inhabitants together and for which construction, renovation and investment is being carried out all over the country. But neither the World Cup, the parliamentary elections nor climate change are currently arousing people's minds.

As soon as it comes to the exploding costs of food and life in general, the mood changes. The engineer Mohammad Sabri meets friends on the square like every Sunday. He sees the very question of whether he will vote as a provocation: "Why should I vote for people who have nothing to say anyway," he says angrily. "The decision in this country is made by the king and his confidants anyway." The 54-year-old does not see this as criticism of the regent, Mohammad the Sixth (VI). »I think it's good that we don't have to experience chaos like in other countries around us. And the reason for that is the king.”

Others in the card-playing group vehemently disagree. »I will choose. “Fouzi Lekjaa should become prime minister and bring the World Cup final to Morocco,” says Mohammad, the owner of an electronics store in the medina.

Lekjaa is a member of the “Authenticity and Modernity Party” (PAM), is currently the minister responsible for the state budget and head of the national football association. A doer, as they praise at Bab Al-Ahad. “The king cannot take care of everything, says trader Mohammad.

Something like this is currently being discussed everywhere in the booming country on the African continent about the parliamentary elections. Hardly anyone knows the programs of the 27 parties in office. They are running for 395 members of the House of Representatives.

In the middle of the otherwise meticulously clean square are leaflets that one of the passing advertising teams has handed out to passers-by. The young people, wearing T-shirts in the colors of the parties they are promoting, usually work for telephone providers or supermarkets. Anyone who asks about the programs of their clients is politely directed to the party's website.

»We, the young generation, are the main issue in the election campaign, but no party is offering anything concrete. We only asked for two things: freedom of expression and an income with which you can start a family or at least build an existence.

Normally, garbage in Moroccan cities ends up in trash cans out of fear of the many civil servants. Cleanliness is one of the hallmarks of the investment drive launched by Mohammad VI. started immediately after his enthronement 16 years ago.

But the parties' leaflets apparently immediately drop many of those addressed by the mobile advertising teams. Everywhere, in Rabat, Casablanca or Tange, municipal cleaning teams are collecting slogans printed on paper. It says “future”, “hope” and “progress”, but this leaves many Moroccans cold.

It is also usually quiet outside the Ain Sebaa courthouse. Here in the north of Casablanca, families of defendants are waiting for the trials of sons or husbands to begin. During the street protests of Gen Z, those under 30, last fall, hundreds of demonstrators were arrested. Many are still waiting for a verdict to be announced, others are still waiting for the indictment. Once again, a small group of demonstrators in the north of the economic metropolis mingled with parents in the park in front of the court.

“Freedom for Yasser,” “Freedom for all prisoners,” they chant. Bystanders largely ignore the protest, partly out of fear of the plainclothes officers who always appear wherever crowds gather. Popular graffiti artist Yassir Mounbir allegedly insulted the king with one of his paintings and is awaiting trial in prison.

Election campaign at the weekly market in the rural community of Ait Ikkou in the Khemisset region: A woman with a donkey walks past supporters of the “Popular Movement” party (MP). Photo: AFP/Abdel Majid Bziouat The 22-year-old artist from Casablanca has made a name for himself among supporters of the Gen Z-212 movement for his anti-government tags. Even before the youth storm on Ceuta on July 31st, the authorities took action against the rapper scene. With their texts they could probably start a new protest movement overnight. That is the lesson from the storm of 80,000 on the Spanish enclave.

The Moroccan state is responding to the Gen Z movement and Ceuta in its usual manner by arresting the leaders. Even his lawyer probably doesn't know the indictment against Youssir Mounbir. Because of a strike by lawyers, only a few proceedings are currently taking place, and the courts have also partially stopped their work.

"The lawyers' strike for better legal status comes in handy for those in power before the elections," says a friend of Mounbir. It goes without saying that his name cannot be printed, he says. And looks in the crowd for unwanted observers of the protest. “None of my friends vote,” says the 24-year-old student. »We, the young generation, are the main issue in the election campaign, but no party is offering anything concrete. Last autumn we didn't call for the overthrow of the government or the king, but only demanded two things that are actually self-evident: freedom of expression and an income with which you can start a family or at least build an existence.

300 artists have handed over a petition calling for the release of Mounbir and other rappers and graffiti artists. "But only a few of them believe that such interventions or elections will change anything," says 28-year-old Nabil. “None of us went to Ceuta because we want to change something in our homeland.” The economics student lived in Berlin for two years. »I learned there that a well-organized civil society can actually make a difference. Like here in 2011, when the king restricted some of his power after the so-called Arab Spring. But he has now given this to a circle of advisors, not all of whom are publicly known.

Less than ten percent of 35-year-old Moroccans have completed the voter registration required to cast their votes, fewer than in the last election in 2021.

Because in the last few days videos have ended up on the cell phones of people who are not yet of legal age, calling for another storm on Ceuta, there are dozens of police officers at the “Casablanca Voyageurs” train station. 3,000 uniformed officers sent to Ceuta's neighboring town of Fnideq are also supposed to prevent the rumored storm on election day.

For Nabila Mounib, Ceuta and the youth protests a year ago are the results of the social division in the country, whose government reports record investments every week from foreign companies such as the Chinese car manufacturer BYD. The leader of the “United Socialist Party” (PSU) is already a member of the Moroccan parliament and has been the first female leader of a political party since 2012. With her appearance, the tall and self-confident woman could be part of the high society of Casablanca's wealthy Maarif district. But she calls for the redistribution of state spending on schools and hospitals. »For young Moroccans, mega-projects like the new port of Tangier provide low-income jobs. And 3.3 million Moroccans continue to leave schools where it rains in the winter without a qualification.”

Nabila Mounib calls for more powers for parliamentarians to release funds in the education sector. With the “Second Chance School” concept, returnees from Ceuta should also be able to obtain a degree. Real party members are campaigning for their PSU on the streets. “Our ideas against the social division in the country are receiving more and more support,” says Nabila Mounib. But many of her fans are also staying at home on Wednesday. The PSU is fighting for a second seat in parliament.

Migrants play football on the “trampoline” beach in the Spanish exclave of Ceuta in North Africa while they wait to be admitted to the migrant reception center (CETI) there. Photo: AFP/Jorge Guerrero

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