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Social policy | The AfD represents the opposite

In order to collect votes among workers, the AfD does not have to advocate for redistribution. It's enough if they don't see a credible alternative.

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Photo: IMAGO/IPON Parties from the far right are disproportionately successful among voters from the “old working class”. For example, among people who work in production. From an economic point of view, it does not represent workers' interests, says Floris Biskamp from the Eberhard Karls University of Tübingen at the autumn forum of the Economic and Social Sciences Institute of the trade union-affiliated Böckler Foundation. But she didn't need that at all.

It's a well-known thesis: If center-left and center-right parties become more economically liberal, the gap could be filled from the far right. At least economically and socio-politically they would then have to slide to the left. In fact, AfD voters do not choose the party because of its economic and social policy program, but for other reasons. »The AfD politicians know that. That's why they make the policies they think are right. That’s just a market-liberal policy,” says Biskamp. There are still certain exceptions, such as demands for pensions, because cuts could cost votes.

This can be seen in the AfD's election program. She calls for the duration of unemployment benefit to be linked more closely to the previous employment period. For most people, this means that the funds will be withdrawn for a shorter period of time. After unemployment benefit expires, you fall into basic security. Here the AfD is proposing compulsory labor service after six months - essentially compulsory service.

The AfD has been campaigning for a higher level of pensions since 2025. Pension cuts are not well received by voters, which is why reform has been repeatedly delayed. At the same time, the party no longer includes additional protection for those with low old-age security in its program. Inequalities from working life - both in terms of class and gender - are carried forward in old age.

The AfD's distribution policy in tax and financial issues is becoming obvious. Here she advocates for the abolition of inheritance tax and the formal abolition of wealth tax. Wealth tax has no longer been levied since a decision by the Federal Constitutional Court in the 1990s.

In a European comparison among right-wing parties, the AfD is one of the most market-liberal forces. In terms of economic policy, however, they have a lot in common across countries. They stand for economic nationalism in which one's own country should be strengthened. Often not to the benefit of the workers. With a view to productivity, they try to play off “laziness” and performance against each other. They sometimes also see a wise investment as an achievement. This narrative was evident in the Federal Republic, for example, in the debate about citizens' money. In addition, they all stand for a welfare state from which those who are not seen as the native population should not benefit.

However, the fact that this can lead to more redistribution is a common misunderstanding, says Biskamp. "That doesn't necessarily mean that the welfare state should be strengthened for the population seen as indigenous and weakened for the others," he explains. Instead, a general dismantling of welfare state measures for its own population could proceed a little more slowly.

However, revealing the right-wing parties' anti-worker policies is not enough to disenchant them, says Biskamp. Precisely because workers would not vote for them based on those programs. Instead, what is needed first is a progressive political offer that would credibly convey that it would bring economic security to workers. »Then you can say: The AfD represents something different. In fact, the opposite.”

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