Right-wing extremism | Prignitz: Right-wing presence and anti-fascist alliances

The idyllic heathland region is increasingly being shaped by right-wing forces. Photo: dpa/Jens Kalaene In Prignitz, one of the oldest regions in Brandenburg, at first glance it looks the same as in the rest of the state. In 2025, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) candidate won the Ostprignitz-Ruppin - Havelland I constituency with 38.9 percent of the first votes. A year earlier, the right-wing populists gained over ten percent in the state election. With 32.7 percent, they narrowly overtook the Social Democratic Party and also became the strongest force in the constituency. The two AfD candidates in the Prignitz district each won their direct mandate. So blue, so normal.

The Prignitz is framed by the Ruppiner Land in the east and the Altmark in the west. Smaller local authorities in the historical region now belong to Saxony-Anhalt and Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. The border changed with the changing political conditions. The strip of land was once called Vormark, and the Slavic Polabians called the area Pregynica, which means something like “inaccessible forest area”. Nowadays, the area with its extensive landscapes is considered a popular retreat for former city dwellers.

The right-wing extremist micro-party “The Third Way” has also gained a foothold in Prignitz. The national revolutionary cadre organization sets one of its regional priorities here. It pays off: With 1.5 percent of the vote, the top candidate Mario Schulz was able to win a mandate in the district council. The former state chairman of the National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) received a total of 1,788 votes. According to the Brandenburg domestic secret service, 90 people are currently active in the state association of the Third Way. According to the Office for the Protection of the Constitution, the northwest of Brandenburg is a “central focus of activity for the expansion and further development of the party” and its cadres are “mainly politically socialized in established right-wing extremist scene and family structures.”

“I rate the threat level as high,” is how one affected person, who wishes to remain anonymous, describes the situation. Physical attacks occur again and again in the region, and threats, “sometimes even death threats,” against people who make public anti-fascist statements are not uncommon. 

"It is striking that there have been verbal exchanges between the Third Way MP and the AfD faction on several occasions."

The report on the security situation in the Prignitz district assigns 141 of the 238 cases of politically motivated crime in 2025 to the right-wing spectrum. However, in people's everyday lives, right-wing extremists played "a rather minor role," reports former state parliament member Thomas Domres from the Left Party. The district chairman of his party in Prignitz reports to "nd" that although "stickers appear every now and then" and that the Third Way succeeds in retaining "former members of the NPD, the Free Comrades, BNO (editor's note: Movement New Order) or Schutzbund Deutschland", it only has an impact on broad sections of the population at a low level.

Nevertheless, “increasing radicalization of young people can also be observed in Prignitz,” Domres continued. According to the former geriatric nurse, right-wing slogans, right-wing opinions and right-wing ideas have become socially acceptable again. The AfD and its youth organization “Generation Germany” are responsible for this. Both are very active in the district. Structurally, the right-wing populists, with their contact points in Wittenberge and Perleberg, offer important cornerstones for local supporters. The party repeatedly tries to attract new members with low-threshold offers. With success: In the district council, the AfD is the strongest faction with eleven members.

In the district council, the competition between the AfD and Third Way plays a major role. “It is striking that there have been verbal exchanges between the Third Way MP and the AfD faction on several occasions,” reports Domres. There is no sign of official cooperation between the two parties. “The AfD is too left-wing for Schulz and is seen as part of the Federal Republic of Germany system,” is how the 56-year-old classifies the differences among the nationalists. On its website, the Third Way repeatedly rails against the Alternative for Germany. Among other things, the small right-wing extremist party accuses its competition on the right-wing fringe of being "a willing enforcer of the Federal Republic of Germany's guidelines." Domres estimates that "the AfD clearly claims leadership in the right-wing extremist spectrum" and despite all the verbal disputes between the two far-right parties, "intersections in content can be clearly identified."

The Third Way has a problem particularly with the AfD member of the state parliament, Jean-René Adam. The former criminal police officer resigned from his post as district chairman of the AfD in Prignitz in the summer. According to the audit report by the Brandenburg commissioner for coming to terms with the communist dictatorship, Maria Nooke, Adam worked in the 1980s for a section of the People's Police that cooperated closely with the Ministry for State Security. He himself admitted that he had been active as an unofficial employee of the criminal police. According to his own statements, he did not denounce anyone.

A network of different initiatives organizes resistance against the social shift to the right in Prignitz. Whether it's "projects from the 'Democracy Life' program, initiatives from the Democracy Forum or activities of the Bunte Prignitz, an association of active people from the region", according to Domres, there is "a whole range of activities by civil society actors". The church should not be forgotten either.

Thomas Domres (Left) in 2023 in the Brandenburg state parliament Photo: dpa/Soeren Stache “We have long been flanked by a number of good cultural institutions that do invaluable, important work,” adds Andrea van Bezouwen from the “Bunte Prignitz” alliance. The strategies often differ. The Kyritz women's network, for example, "does not rely on explicit counter-reactions such as demonstrations," but instead tries to "create safe spaces for personal exchange." We particularly want to support women in campaigning for women's rights, greater visibility and participation.

In everyday parliamentary life, civil society actors in the district council support those MPs who stand up for democracy and against right-wing extremist land grabs. Attending the meetings together not only conveys a feeling of solidarity, but also ensures cross-party cohesion behind the scenes. The representatives of the democratic parties also try to show their presence regularly in rural regions and offer low-threshold offers. “Concerts, rallies, information stands, film evenings, media work are, for example, activities to make a contribution to protecting democracy and maintaining Prignitz as a tolerant and cosmopolitan region,” says Domres, summarizing the various activities.

Despite all these efforts, the right-wing to right-wing extremist youth subculture has a majority among the younger generation. There are cliques of anti-fascist young people. However, the focus of their lives quickly shifts away from the region due to a lack of prospects after they graduate from school. In return, people in their mid-forties who are annoyed by the big city move to Prignitz. The future of the region depends not least on their civil society commitment.

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