Meeting of the Current for Permanent Revolution: Developments in the U.S. and Argentina

On September 13, an important meeting of the coordination of the Permanent Revolution Current (Fourth International) was held, which includes the PTS along with revolutionary socialist organizations from France, Brazil, Chile, Bolivia, Mexico, the United States, the Spanish State, Germany, Italy, Costa Rica, Uruguay, Venezuela, and Peru.

This meeting took place against the backdrop of a highly convulsed international situation caused by the strategic defeat of the United States (and Israel) in the war in Iran, which has accelerated the decline of US imperialism and the internal crisis of Donald Trump’s presidency—who could be on the verge of suffering a harsh setback in the November 3 legislative elections. We discussed two central points: 1) regarding the upcoming Left Voice convention, we addressed the situation in the United States, in particular the emergence of the DSA and the significance of the surge of “socialist candidates”; 2) the situation in Argentina, specifically the political orientation of the PTS.

Below, we present a summary of the main discussions and, finally, the highlighted activities of the Current for Permanent Revolution – Fourth International since the last conference of our international current, held in São Paulo, Brazil, in December 2025.

The discussion revolved around the political situation and the prospects for the emergence of a revolutionary left in the United States, based on the documents for the upcoming Left Voice convention to be held in New York between September 18 and 20.

In their reports, the LV comrades summarized some of the most important definitions in the documents, including: 1) In Trump’s second presidency, particularly with the war in Iran, the tendencies toward organic crisis—developing since the 2008 crisis—have deepened; 2) Externally, that crisis is expressed in a leap in the decline of US imperialism as it faces strategic competition with China; internally, it shows in the accelerated wear and tear of Trump himself, who leads a weakened authoritarian government at his lowest popularity levels; 3) The traditional two-party regime is in crisis, and since the Great Recession of 2008, an acute political polarization has been deepening—to the right with the emergence of Trumpism, and to the left as expressed in the figure of Bernie Sanders and the emergence of the DSA. The Republican Party is divided into various rival factions—such as the MAGA movement, “America First” supporters, and neoconservatives—whose confrontation is intensifying due to the weakening of Trump as a unifying factor. The Democratic Party, after Biden’s presidency and the defeat in the 2024 elections, has failed to rebuild the leadership of the neoliberal establishment, although it will likely regain control of at least one house in the midterm elections; 5) Novel class struggle processes are developing, such as the movement against the genocide in Gaza and, above all, the major struggle in Minneapolis against ICE and Trump’s fascist-leaning immigration policy; 6) Within this framework of the crisis of imperialist two-party dominance, resistance to Trumpism, and advanced processes of class struggle, a political shift to the left is taking place, expressed by the fact that a majority of young people aged 18 to 24 declare themselves in favor of “socialism,” though still through a social-democratic lens.

That leftward shift is currently channeled by the DSA, which, according to its organizers, currently has more than 120,000 members nationwide (the number of active militants is lower) and is built as an internal caucus of the Democratic Party. The DSA has conquered some important positions in the political regime, such as the New York City mayor’s office with Zohran Mamdani. Internally, it is strained between sectors of the leadership seeking to deepen this path of managing the imperialist state—aspiring to be a renewal of the Democratic Party—and others who challenge this orientation, with rank-and-file sectors clearly to the left raising the need for an independent third party tied to the unions.

In this context, the role of Left Voice, a Marxist publication integrated into the La Izquierda Diario International Network and the CPR-FI, is to act as a “collective organizer” for comrades intervening in various sectors such as teachers, CUNY, struggles against ICE and immigration policy, campaigns against state persecution of activists (such as the Minneapolis 15), and the Black movement in places like Los Angeles—where Julia Wallace is an important leader—or Detroit. We fight for a true revolutionary left in the United States that combats imperialism and seeks unity with the exploited and oppressed peoples of the world. Left Voice is at the service of the struggle for a new working-class, anti-imperialist, and anti-capitalist party that breaks with the tragic tradition of co-optation by the Democratic Party.

Based on a report by Emilio Albamonte, we held an in-depth debate on the orientation of the PTS in Argentina to build a new working-class party. In his report, Emilio updated the progress made in establishing coordination committees across the country to organize the overwhelming support for Myriam Bregman as a key figure of the revolutionary left, launched at the May Day rally in Ferro. Emilio also developed central concepts raised in the interviews we published in LID, such as the concept of “fusion” with the most active and militant sectors of the broad movement beginning to organize within these committees, aimed at building a new working-class party. A fundamental point of the debate was how to use these new structures to promote mobilization and the fight against Milei’s government, the IMF, and imperialism—with the first major challenge being the March of Anger on September 19, called by more than 350 organizations and prominent cultural figures. Our goal is not to stage an isolated protest or march, but to continue at a higher level of organization in every province, city, and neighborhood across the country. The March of Anger is a great opportunity to agitate for the need to defeat Milei through a general strike, rather than relying solely on electoral participation as pressured by the political regime (and sectors of the left as well).

Since we launched the proposal for committees, 200 have already been established across 23 provinces and approximately 170 towns or neighborhoods, proving that we are talking about a national phenomenon. They have even been set up in provinces or localities where we had no prior membership or by people who write to us on social media to build them. The committees are prominent organizers of the “March of Anger” (marcha de la bronca) and of local gatherings or umbrella coordination efforts. They will participate in more than 50 rallies across different parts of the country, called jointly with hundreds of convening organizations and around 160 individual signatures from prominent sectors of culture, human rights, etc.

In the most recent committee meetings, around 7,500 people participated (including PTS members). These join those who attended previous meetings, their commissions (where gender commissions are notably active), Manifesto workshops, or other activities, as well as others who are part of the broader social media communities. Therefore, there is a very broad network surrounding each committee. It is worth noting that this outreach comes through the social media accounts of Myriam Bregman, Nicolás del Caño, Christian Castillo, or Vilca, and that people are influenced not only by the ideas expressed in their public speeches, but also educate and inform themselves through La Izquierda Diario and stream shows like Se viene el zurdaje or El Círculo Rojo broadcast on Radio con Vos, among other initiatives taking place in each province that we need to deepen. Another key fact is that between 30% and 50% of committee meeting attendees join through https://comunidaddeizquierda.com/, where around 17,000 people have registered, with comrades dedicated specifically to this task, including onboarding new committee members.

One of the most qualitative aspects is that, depending on the area, 40% to 50% of members are highly active and/or militant. With the most outstanding new committee members, a process of “fusion” is taking place—leading the tasks and objectives voted on in the committees alongside PTS militants in joint teams. This is just beginning, but it is very promising. In many cases, those who recently joined are pushing us from the left with their militant attitude, opening up the possibility of “renewing the leadership generations” within the teams driving the committees.

On the other hand, the members are generally very “organic”: teachers stand out in the AMBA (Buenos Aires Metropolitan Area), while oil workers are joining in Patagonia. There is also a qualitative breakthrough among high school students across the country, and women play a leading role in all areas. This highlight is combined with the fact that school, factory, and service sector shop stewards, along with high school student union presidents and class representatives, are beginning to meet.

Right now, there is intense activity to prepare for the September 19 march and to push for a strong mobilization. The promotion of the “March of Anger”—originally called by Myriam Bregman and enthusiastically embraced by the committees—resonates with the deep discontent toward the government and the complicit opposition. Amid the paralysis of the major trade union federations, this sentiment has already reached the rank-and-file of some Peronist organizations who view it with sympathy; in some cases, they may grant “freedom of action,” even if the major mass organizations have not formally called for it yet. The committees for a movement for a new working-class party face the challenge of putting everything into shaping reality—seeing to what extent conditions have matured to act as “multipliers,” promote self-organization, and build coordinations that mobilize significant forces to impose major political maneuvers like the Workers’ United Front. The ultimate goal is to defeat Milei, his plan, the IMF, and big business through a general strike, while defending a transitional program so that the capitalists pay for the crisis (based on the framework outlined in the PTS Manifesto and the FITU program) toward the perspective of a workers’ government.

Since our last international conference held in São Paulo in December 2025—where we adopted the name PRC—we have been taking significant steps to deepen our practical internationalism and advance in the struggle to reconstruct a Revolutionary Socialist International. Below, we present a brief overview of the most prominent activities of our current.

A delegation composed of comrades from the PTS (Argentina), MRT (Brazil), CRT (Spanish State/Catalonia), and PTR (Chile – in the prior preparation) joined the Sumud Flotilla in solidarity with Gaza, denouncing the genocide and confronting the attacks of the State of Israel. Previously, we had participated in the Global March to Gaza and the Sumud Flotilla in 2025, with our comrade Bruno Gilga as spokesperson for the Brazilian delegation.

A PTS mission composed of healthcare workers traveled to Venezuela to collaborate with our LTS comrades, who were engaged in intense relief work following the June earthquake disaster. They carried out solidarity and organizing tasks in response to the catastrophe left by the earthquake, alongside an outstanding collaborative effort from MTS comrades in Mexico—all within the framework of imperialist plundering and the country’s transformation into a US protectorate with Delcy Rodríguez as Trump’s delegate. This policy materialized in the relief efforts organized by Pan y Rosas, which launched a major international campaign in solidarity with the Venezuelan people.

We established close revolutionary collaboration between the PTS, PTR, and MRT alongside comrades from LORCI in Bolivia, who had a prominent intervention in the massive struggle against the right-wing government of Paz (advised by the fascist Cerimedo, a friend of Milei), driving blockades and self-organization to confront the betrayal of the COB bureaucracy. During this process, La Izquierda Diario Bolivia made a major leap forward.

In Brazil, MRT comrades have been carrying out intense political activity, intervening in trade unions such as the Santo André Teachers’ Union and Sintusp, in the student movement (such as at the University of São Paulo), and in the Black movement through Quilombo Vermelho. They are currently participating in the bank workers’ strike. Additionally, they have been deploying significant political-ideological activity across various Marx Houses in different cities, hosting debates featuring leading left-wing intellectuals. The latest event of this kind was the inauguration of the Belo Horizonte Casa Marx, attended by over 700 people. In August, they organized a major tour for Myriam Bregman, who presented her book Zurda—published in Portuguese under the title Moderada Nunca—before a packed audience. Myriam’s visit had a major political impact and sparked significant interest in major national media outlets, such as Folha de S. Paulo and O Globo, which conducted extensive interviews with her.

In Mexico, MTS comrades played a prominent role in the teachers’ strike for decent pensions, which took place during the World Cup. They have also been active in the fight against state-sector layoffs under the Sheinbaum administration, promoting the organization “Queremos Trabajo Digno” (We Want Decent Work) and coordinating with other groupings. Furthermore, on May 1, they inaugurated the Casa Marx in Mexico City, hosting important days of reflection and debate alongside prominent intellectuals and left-wing figures to mark the 86th anniversary of Leon Trotsky’s assassination.

In Chile, the PTR has been intervening in mobilization processes—primarily led by youth—against the government of Pinochetist Antonio Kast, who, just months into his term, has already become deeply unpopular and faces resistance from various sectors against his anti-worker and repressive policies. The last major mobilization took place on September 5, called by the High School Student Coordination, where over 5,000 young people confronted brutal police repression by the Carabineros. A key orientation for the PTR is to broadly organize this youth, who are at the forefront of the fight against Kast and setting the example for confronting the right across the continent.

In the Spanish State, the fusion between the CRT and Corriente Roja – Fourth International (which includes long-time leaders of the Trotskyist movement such as A. Parras) is advancing after a process of discussion and joint intervention in class struggle, such as the major education strike in Catalonia and other regions. The potential of this fusion was already displayed at the CRT – Corriente Roja Summer School under the slogan “Pensar la revolución. Tomar partido” (Think Revolution. Take a Side), which brought together 300 comrades.

In Germany, RIO comrades also organized a summer camp with over 200 participants amidst the electoral rise of Alternative for Germany (AfD) and the resurgence of Die Linke—a party that, despite its clear reformist orientation and major crises due to its participation in austerity governments, attracted tens of thousands of young people who view it as a tool to fight the far right. In Italy, the FIR held its conference in June, allowing the group to consolidate its political and programmatic foundations.

The most outstanding aspect of European party-building is the progress of Révolution Permanente (RP) in France, which has made major leaps in its organization and political influence within both the labor and student movements. This was reflected over recent months in the election results of its youth organization, Le Poing Levé, in the national CROUS (Regional Centers for University and School Works) elections, where it obtained 25,000 votes, establishing itself as one of the country’s main student organizations. It was also shown in the anti-imperialist gatherings organized a few months later, which brought together 1,600 young people across four cities, and in winning two municipal council seats in Saint-Denis. In June, capitalizing on the trial of two of its militants, RP carried out a major campaign against the repression of pro-Palestine voices, culminating in a large rally of over 1,000 people in Saint-Denis with the presence of Myriam Bregman. They also organized a demonstration in front of the courthouse that mobilized France’s main left-wing, trade union, and pro-Palestine organizations—notably featuring Jean-Luc Mélenchon, presidential candidate for La France Insoumise (LFI). Right now, RP is running a major political campaign to enable Anasse Kazib, a working-class leader and the organization’s main spokesperson, to run for president in the 2027 elections. Against LFI’s neo-reformism, reinforced by the fear of the far right, RP is fighting for a class-independent and anti-imperialist alternative, placing the power of the new working class at the center. This campaign is just getting started and is already generating widespread interest—as seen in its strong impact at the recent Fête de l’Humanité (a major French political-cultural event hosted by the newspaper L’Humanité)—as well as attacks from the far right, including the country’s leading political force, Marine Le Pen’s National Rally (RN), which called for the organization to be dissolved due to its denunciations of police crimes and its calls for mobilization.

These are just a few examples, in addition to the activities of comrades in Uruguay, Costa Rica, and Peru, which can be found in the international section of La Izquierda Diario, as well as the political, theoretical, and strategic contributions of the groups that make up the PRC.

Together with March To Socialism in South Korea, we launched a PRC website in English focused on analysis and journalistic coverage of Asia, which was one of the central resolutions passed at the PRC conference in São Paulo. The objective of this site is to broadly disseminate revolutionary socialist ideas among the proletariat of that strategic region and to intervene in the debates of the Asian left.

Finally, we are making progress on a joint Manifesto for an International of the Socialist Revolution alongside March To Socialism, Rouge (Belgium), and What Is To Be Done (Canada), based on key programmatic and strategic agreements, including: 1) A common position on the war in Ukraine, opposing “campism”—whether pro-NATO or pro-Russia. 2) The defeat of the United States and Israel in the imperialist war of aggression against Iran, without giving political support to the reactionary Iranian regime. 3) The fight against the genocide in Gaza, against the Zionist state and its colonial plan of ethnic cleansing, and for the right to national self-determination for the Palestinian people. 4) The defense of the theory and program of permanent revolution. 5) Class independence and the need to confront both “lesser-evilism” strategies of class-collaboration against the far right, as well as strategies centered on managing the capitalist state. 6) The fight for working-class hegemony, self-organization, the Workers’ United Front, and the emergence of councils (soviets).

With this Manifesto, we aim to issue a call to sectors of the working-class and youth vanguard, as well as to left-wing organizations and sectors moving in a revolutionary direction, to deepen discussion and shared political experience in the class struggle to advance the reconstruction of a revolutionary international—which, in terms of program and strategy, is the Fourth International. Because, as Marx and Engels stated in the Communist Manifesto, the struggle of the working class and the oppressed against capitalism and for socialism is national in form, but international in content.

Current for Permanent Revolution (CRP-FI)