Arab parties in Israel are in a dilemma

Analysis of Arab parties in Israel Successful - and yet excluded As of: October 31, 2026 • 9:49 a.m

The Arab lists in Israel achieved great success in the parliamentary elections. They competed together, but differed in content. Above all, they don't just want to be the majority procurers.

The recent parliamentary election has shaken Israel's political landscape to its foundations. With a historic record of 19 seats for the Arab lists, the minority, which makes up a fifth of Israeli citizens, achieved a sensational success.

Suddenly the whole country is looking at the Arab members of the Knesset. Mathematically, they hold the key to power in their hands. They could resolve the chronic stalemate between the two major Jewish-Zionist camps.

But the political reality is sobering. In the opposition camp, the so-called “change bloc,” hesitation reigns supreme. Gadi Eisenkot, Benjamin Netanyahu's fiercest challenger, is trying his best to forge an alliance capable of governing against the long-time prime minister. However, he shys away from an official handshake with the Arab parliamentarians. There is obviously too much concern about accusations from right-wing competitors of making pacts with “non-Zionists”.

This ongoing exclusion leaves deep scars. There is massive disappointment among Arab voters, especially in the north of the country. "What is currently preventing Gadi Eisenkot from forming a government is the lack of participation of the Arab parties," voter Adam Rabiea criticizes the opposition leader's blocking stance. For him, the "change bloc's" hesitation is a structural problem: "This shows racism and fear - both of which are rooted in the agitation that took place during the election campaign and in the run-up to the elections."

These attacks and attempts at delegitimization are orchestrated primarily by the political right. Prime Minister Netanyahu's national-conservative Likud party has been making serious accusations against the Arab lists since election day. There is talk of alleged irregularities in voting - it is a deliberate attempt to morally and politically devalue the historic success of the minority.

But the front of silence is crumbling at the edges. Some prominent voices within the Jewish opposition are calling for a radical rethink. Yair Golan, the leader of the left-liberal Democrats, openly opposes the ongoing exclusion. "If the Zionist majority in the State of Israel wants a government of change, then they must get a government of change," Golan demands unequivocally. "This all-out boycott by the Arab population must stop. In my opinion, it is simply unacceptable."

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However, the search for common ground is also made more difficult by the fact that the Arab members of the Knesset form anything but a homogeneous bloc.

The spectrum is deeply divided ideologically. On the one hand there is the Islamic Ra'am Party. It has acted in a decidedly pragmatic manner for years and has focused primarily on the specific everyday concerns of the Arab community. For example, it calls for more financial resources for dilapidated municipal infrastructure, better living conditions and decisive government action against rampant crime in Arab-influenced cities.

The secular nationalists of the Balad party take a completely different position. Their goal is of a programmatic nature and touches on the core of Israel's self-image: they demand the fundamental transformation of Israel into a "state of all its citizens" - and thus openly question the explicitly Jewish character of the state.

The socialist Hadash and the Ta'al Party move in between. Although both parties signal a willingness to compromise on domestic policy reforms, they link their support to clear core demands: the fight for real civil rights and an end to the Israeli occupation in the West Bank. For large parts of the Jewish-Zionist opposition bloc, the latter is an absolute red line.

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Despite these hurdles, those at the top of the Arab lists are combative and conscious of power. Ahmad Tibi, the chairman of the Ta'al Party, is already formulating concrete power policy conditions for the coming legislative period. "The first step will be the removal of Knesset Chairman Amir Ohana and that will not be possible without the Joint List." Tibi emphasizes his group's willingness to cooperate, but links it to a clear goal: "Our hand is outstretched for change and for cooperation with everyone who wants to overthrow this government."

However, there is little evidence of this strategic optimism at the Arab grassroots level. Many people feel that they have been instrumentalized by the Jewish opposition parties - abused as purely calculated voting animals in order to overthrow Netanyahu, without any real political concessions or equal participation in return.

In Abu Ghosh, an Arab community west of Jerusalem, the resignation is particularly palpable. In view of the aggressive campaigns from the right, the teacher Wisam Ismaiel even calls for a complete withdrawal from the parliamentary system. "Arab Knesset members should make it clear to the world that these allegations are false. They should resign and simply leave the others to their own devices." It is time to boycott the system.

Such a closed exit from the Knesset is considered unlikely by observers, but the strategic dilemma remains. As long as the opposing camp does not accept the Arab minority as a legitimate and full partner on an equal footing, the historic election result will evaporate.

The Arab political advisor Jalal Banna from Akko therefore sees the ball clearly in the Jewish opposition's court: "The problem does not lie with the Arabs. The 'Change Bloc' refuses to recognize the fact that the Arabs must be part of a possible future coalition." The opposition's strategy is purely functional: "He only wants the Arabs to overthrow the government, that's it. That should end the role of the Arabs."

The Arab parties gained more power in this election than ever before in the country's history. However, whether they can use this to permanently break the political stalemate is not being decided by them these days - but in the minds of the Zionist opposition bloc.

This topic in the program: tagesschau.de | Do Israel's Arab lists break the stalemate? | October 31, 2026 | 8:03 a.m