The wave of the ultra-right in Latin America: The libertarians' economic program is not a path to freedom, but to alienation and oppression

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"... In recent years, governments in several Latin American countries have been taken over by a wave of right-wing, liberal-conservative political actors. On the basis of classic neoliberal and conservative programs, Nayib Bukele in El Salvador, Daniel Noboa in Ecuador, Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil and Javier Milei in Argentina won the presidential elections in their countries. Although Bolsonaro failed to extend his term as president in 2022, around 50 percent of Brazilian voters approved his “This means that the political power of the victorious social democrat Lula da Silva is on shaky ground. In the case of Peru, the left-wing president Pedro Castillo was replaced by his former vice president Dina Boluarte – with the approval and direct alliance of the ultra-right in Congress…”Contribution from the Minga editorial boardin the translation by Susanne Schartz-Laux on March 22, 2024 in Amerika21 and more about it:

• What makes the extreme right in Latin America so strong
  "A reactionary wave is advancing on the Latin American continent. With the exception of Mexico and Brazil - the two major powers of the region - as well as Uruguay and Guatemala, the remaining countries (Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador, Paraguay, El Salvador, Honduras, Panama, etc.) have elected authoritarian right-wing extremist governments, even if sometimes in runoff elections and with narrow majorities. These are governments that reflect a popular mood of hostility and political Expressing aggressiveness is not the same traditional liberal or “republican” right that characterized the triumphant neoliberalism of the 1980s. (…) Today's extreme right does not promise a future of world peace based on markets, but rather an apocalyptic cleansing of the godless who defy the "natural" hierarchies: employers over employees, men over women, "white" skin over all other people of color and rich over the poor. (…)
  However, unlike previous phases of the rise of the far right in Latin America, each of which lasted 30 years, the current forces rely on an incomplete and short-sighted social project that runs counter to global trends in economic terms. (…)But if this extreme right cannot present a promising economic program, why does it still have a sizeable electorate? One reason is certainly the disappointment with the progressive forces that were unable to overcome the economic crisis (inflation, supply shortages, recession). But this explanation alone is not enough.
  The radical right is fighting with two swords that explain its high approval ratings: on the one hand, it is the promise to combat some of the main causes of the economic crisis, and on the other hand, it is the promise to provide moral reparations to those affected by the crisis. The first sword falls apart quickly and irrevocably; the second, however, is wielded with fiery skill. The vengeful hatred of the new reason of state against human rights, migrants, leftists, communists, the Kirchnerists, indigenous people, feminists or any hint of social equality plays the role of a collective penance that distracts from the failed promise of prosperity. If there is no happy future, then there should at least be the pleasure of cruelty. Victims are those who see themselves as irreconcilably different. This moral perversion of hope is tearing apart the social fabric. And even if it only lasts for a short time, its consequences for social cohesion will last for a long time. It cannot be met with reverse anger alone. Although personification of the culprits for social ills is necessary in times of crisis - only in this case it is focused on a tiny minority of those in power - what is needed above all is a courageous restoration of a credible hope for a productivist and social justice-oriented project. This project must be able to shake the foundations of the rotten economic and mental structures. Because in order for the left to have another historic opportunity, it must not simply try to manage the conditions of stagnation and disaster.” Analysis by Álvaro García Linera in the translation by Andreas Hetzer in Amerika21 on September 28, 2026 
• Latin America: In one country after another, the extreme right is coming to power - in addition to aggressive US imperialism, this is also due to the economic downturn
  “Latin America is in a deep recession. The living conditions of the vast majority of people have not improved in recent decades. At the same time, drug trafficking and the violence associated with it are rampant. If that wasn't bad enough, Donald Trump was re-elected US President in November 2024. It quickly became clear that Trump would pursue a new, even more aggressive imperialism in Latin America. The USA claims sole sovereignty in the “Western Hemisphere”. Any influence from “competitors” will be “denied,” according to the National Security Strategy published in December 2025. This primarily means China. Beijing had already surpassed Washington on the continent as a trading partner and lender. In return, the USA is increasing its power - both military, economic and political. The governments in the “backyard” should be brought back into line and China should be pushed back. (…)
  With its policy against Venezuela and Cuba, the US government not only shows that it does not tolerate rebellious governments and does not shy away from any means to assert its interests. The message is also that there must be no alternative to the capitalist order. In their contributions, Juliana Rivas and Elias Korte deal with the attempts at social democratic reforms of this order by the governments in Chile and Colombia. Ultra-right candidates have now come to power in both countries - with the support of Trump, who promised huge loans if his desired candidate wins the election. Since 2025, progressive governments have also been replaced by ultra-right governments in Bolivia and Honduras.
  The extreme right was confirmed in the elections in Ecuador and most recently in Peru. In addition to their proximity to Trump, these forces are united by Christian fundamentalism and their positive reference to the military dictatorships of the 20th century. They present themselves as political outsiders - following the example of the US President - and manage to take advantage of the population's dissatisfaction in the face of recession and uncertainty. Their promises: growth through unbridled capitalism and a tough policy against drug-related crime. With Argentina's Javier Milei and Ecuador's Daniel Noboa, Darío Farcy and Felipe Kohler introduce two central figures of the new extreme right in Latin America…”Article by David Siegmund-Schultze in the Junge Welt from July 15, 2026 (“More and more little Trumps”)
• Colombia election: A shift to the right is sweeping through South America 
  “… He has “the balls” to rule the country “with a hard hand,” said de la Espriella during the election campaign. The millionaire and lawyer, who gave himself the nickname “El Tigre” (English: the tiger), wanted to “make Colombia great again” through tough measures. His role model: US President Donald Trump. Trump was also one of the first to congratulate: “He won, and won big!” he wrote on Truth Social. In fact, when almost 100 percent of the votes were counted, there was not even one percent between de la Espriella (49.66 percent) and his left-wing opponent Ivan Cepeda (48.70 percent). Nevertheless, Trump now has one more ally in South America. (…) The election result fits into a regional shift to the right: In March, the right-wing politician Jose Antonio Kast took office as Chilean president, in Peru the conservative Keiko Fujimori is on the verge of victory. Last November, Rodrigo Paz won Bolivia's presidential election, ending the term of a left-wing government that had been in power for two decades. In Argentina, the ultra-liberal Javier Milei is in power, in Ecuador the right-wing incumbent Daniel Noboa, in Paraguay the conservative Santiago Pena, all since 2023. (…) “There is indeed a political shift to the right in Latin America, and a common denominator is that, in view of the deep economic crisis, the economic and political elites prefer authoritarian solutions in order to protect their interests,” says Brand, Professor of International Politics at the University of Vienna. (…) For Brand, the “exciting question” is why majorities elect these authoritarian and often economically liberal governments against their interests.In order to understand why people believe the promises of the right, you have to “look specifically at the countries”. (…) If you talk to the local population of South America, when asked about the biggest problem in politics from Colombia to Argentina, you will get the same answer: corruption - whether from the left or the right. According to the current “AMLAT Radar”, a survey commissioned by the Friedrich Ebert Foundation, which is close to the SPD, poverty, organized crime and weak economic growth are seen as the central problems of the region. (…) For Brand, the counterexample is Mexico – not South American, but Latin American. Here the right was exhausted, while the left managed to build a medium-term project. (…)  As far as the presidential election in Brazil in October is concerned, Brand assumes that the incumbent head of state Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva will win – provided “nothing unforeseen” happens. “The project was built systematically,” says Brand, but points out that Lula also has to struggle with right-wing to right-wing extremist majorities, in parliament and also among his regional neighbors. Argentine President Javier Milei, who gave himself the nickname “Lion,” wrote: “The lion and the tiger roar in Latin America.” ORF article by Tamara Sill from June 22, 2026 with update from June 23, 2026 
  • Latin America – the big shift to the right
    "... Abelardo de la Espriella narrowly won the June 21 runoff election for the presidency in Colombia. "Independent? No, no! No country in the world can be independent at the moment!" he said previously in a conversation with the pastor Miguel Arrázola. (…) De la Espriella repeatedly emphasizes his loyalty to Trump. As in Honduras and Ecuador, he interfered in Colombia's election campaign and made it clear to voters which candidate they should vote for on June 21st. (…) The election result in Colombia joins a wave of victories for the radical right in Latin America: Nayib Bukele in El Salvador in 2019 (re-election in 2024), Javier Milei in Argentina in 2023, Daniel Noboa in Ecuador in 2023 and 2025, José Antonio Kast in Chile in 2025 - and also Keiko Fujimori, daughter of the dictator Alberto Fujimori, in Peru June 7, 2026. The politicians differ in their style, but embody a political trend with common constants. These include neoliberalism, a hard line on security issues, revenge on political opponents of the left, a geopolitical orientation towards Washington and usually a personal closeness to Donald Trump. (…) While in the eyes of a large part of the population of these countries the left-wing governments have not done enough to change society, the reforms actually implemented by the upper class have already gone too far. She wants to take things back into her own hands with the political right and get to the root of the problem by turning the state itself inside out.(…) Social justice, redistribution, the environment and the expansion of civil rights have become less important than security, corruption in state institutions and the corruptibility of political officials as well as border surveillance. The political right and its radical wings are using these issues for their own benefit. On social media, but also in social spaces such as churches, brotherhoods, sports clubs or conservative family associations, a debate is taking place that obsessively revolves around one central demand: that of a return to order in every way - moral, religious, social and security policy. The “culture war” against abortion, women’s rights and homosexuality as well as against what goes under the slogans “globalism”, “cultural Marxism” and “narco-communism” serves here as a glue that holds different social milieus together. (…) But the troop of Trump governors may be less powerful than the man in the White House hopes. Some of them cannot rely on a parliamentary majority and have prevailed with the help of broad right-wing alliances (with other radicals, traditional conservatives and the center-right parties). They were also often elected by citizens who primarily wanted to make clear their rejection of the respective left-wing opponent in the runoff election. Kast and Milei must organize political majorities in their parliaments for each of their projects. In Colombia, de la Espriella does not have any party represented in the House of Representatives or Senate behind him.(…) The progressive camp had almost half of the voters behind them in the second round of the presidential elections; the difference between the left-wing candidate Iván Cepeda and de la Espriella was just under one percentage point or 250,000 votes. The outcome of the runoff election in Peru was even closer: with 50.13 percent, Keiko Fujimori was less than half a percentage point and less than 50,000 votes ahead of the left-wing candidate Roberto Sánchez (49.87 percent). Everything is still unclear in the upcoming presidential elections in Brazil. Everywhere in Latin America it can be observed how fragile the heterogeneous alliances that stand behind the ultra-right presidents are. How long people will support governments that are closer to the US president than to their own people remains to be seen.” Article by Christophe Ventura from July 9, 2026 in Le Monde diplomatique 
  • See more about the election in Colombia in“Eradicate the Left”: The new ultra-right President Abelardo de la Espriella is a threat (not only) to human rights and peace policy in Colombia
• “Hondurasgate”: Is Honduras becoming the hub of an ultra-right campaign for influence in Latin America? And can Colombia, of all countries, hold its own?
  • “Hondurasgate”: Offensive against “left-wing cancer”: According to research, a right-wing network on the Latin American continent is supposed to enforce US interests
    "Is Honduras becoming the hub of an ultra-right-wing campaign for influence in Latin America? At least that's what research by the online medium "Canal Red" suggests, which is currently causing an international stir. The research, which is also being distributed on the website "Hondurasgate.ch", accuses the Honduran ex-president Juan Orlando Hernández of being at the center of a network that is intended to enforce the geopolitical interests of the USA in Latin America through corruption and fake news. The research is based on dozens Based on leaked audio recordings and voice messages recorded between January and April, Hernández and other high-ranking politicians on the Honduran right talk about how the Central American country should be rebuilt and the left-wing opposition should be eliminated - if necessary by force económico, ZEDE) are to be expanded and laws with favorable conditions for US companies, especially in the area of artificial intelligence, are to be passed. Hernández is not just anyone; he ruled Honduras from 2014 to 2022. After leaving the presidency, he was extradited to the USA for involvement in drug trafficking, where he was sentenced to 45 years in prison at the end of last year, just a few days before the elections Honduras, US President Donald Trump pardoned the politician. The presidential election in Honduras was won by Nasry Asfura, who, like Hernández, is a member of the National Party.Trump had previously put massive pressure on voters to push through Asfura. (…) But the plot uncovered by “Canal Red” is not limited to Honduras. The leaked audio recordings make it clear that the network aims to destabilize progressive governments across the region. (…) International competitors, especially China, should be kept out of the double continent or driven out. To achieve this, the US government uses various strategies. In addition to direct lethal force - such as the ongoing military attacks on alleged drug boats or the attack on Venezuela at the beginning of the year, which violated international law - it also relies on regional allies...” Article by Frederic Schnatterer from May 12, 2026 in New Germany online
  • Showdown in Bogotá: Of all places in Colombia, which has been dominated by conservatives for decades, the advance of the Latin American right is to be stopped.
    "In Colombia, of all places, the advance of the Latin American right should be stopped. After the progressive governments of Argentina, Ecuador, Bolivia, Chile and Honduras have been replaced by right-wing extremists in recent years, the Colombian left is hoping to defend the presidency with the candidate Iván Cepeda. Colombia - with 53 million inhabitants, the most populous country in the subcontinent after Brazil and Mexico - was for decades firmly in the hands of a small, An oligarchy closely allied with the USA. Two bourgeois parties took turns in government. A common saying was: "The economy is doing great, the country is doing badly." And when left-wing guerrillas militarily challenged this system of extreme inequality, US President Bill Clinton made Colombia the largest recipient of US military aid on the continent Even under the leadership of the Democrats, US foreign policy in the Global South often had fascist traits. But at least in Colombia, the tide turned in 2021. The government at the time put down a violent uprising and a deep rift ripped through society, with the former mayor of Bogotá Gustavo Petro being elected president of the country for the first time (...)
    Now Senator Iván Cepeda, whose father, a communist MP, was murdered by death squads in 1994, is also expected to defend the presidency. (…) Almost all polls put Cepeda, who is running alongside indigenous Senator Aida Quilcué, in first place with a lead of almost 20 percentage points. (…) But this is not least because the right is running with two candidates. The lawyer Paloma Valencia, who comes from a family of politicians, is supported by ex-President Uribe, who is still seen as the mastermind of the Colombian right. The entrepreneur Abelardo de la Espriella, on the other hand, presents himself as a non-party candidate. Although he is supported by the economic elites, he is running his election campaign “against the establishment” – the new favorite ploy of the international right. If Valencia and de la Espriella join forces in the second election campaign, things are likely to be tight for the Colombian left. The trade union umbrella organization CUT has therefore spoken out with an unequivocal election call. “We are witnessing the open and shameless warmongering of US imperialism,” says the call, which mentions the attacks by the USA and Israel on Iran and Lebanon as well as the US military operations against Cuba, Venezuela and Colombian fishing boats. At a meeting in Miami in March, Trump and his right-wing allies decided to "advance a military solution to the problems in the region." This project must be stopped. It is important to “unreservedly support” Iván Cepeda’s candidacy.” Article by Raul Zelik from May 13, 2026 in New Germany online 
• Latin America as a laboratory for the global politics of inequality: the wealth of the rich is growing by 16 percent worldwide. In Latin America by 39 percent
  "Extreme inequality has become one of the defining characteristics of our time. At the global level, the concentration of wealth is progressing faster than the ability of states to guarantee rights, maintain democracies and confront the climate crisis. However, if there is a region where this phenomenon is taking on a particularly accelerated and politically dangerous form, it is Latin America and the Caribbean. (…) The region now functions as a kind of pioneer and laboratory for dynamics that also permeate Europe and other parts of the world, but which are also present here [in Latin America]. According to the latest Oxfam report on Latin America and the Caribbean, “Wealth Uncontrolled, Democracy in Danger,” the wealth of billionaires grew by around 16 percent worldwide last year, while it increased by 39 percent in Latin America. Major wealth grew sixteen times faster than regional GDP. Their wealth therefore shows a profound decoupling from the economy itself and collective well-being. The promised “trickle-down effect” does not take place. (…) The myth of meritocracy was also broken. In the region, wealth depends more on last name than on individual ability: 54 percent of billionaires have inherited some or all of their wealth, well above the global average; and more than 62 percent of this wealth will be passed on to the next generation in the coming years. (…) Tax systems reinforce these patterns.The poorest 50 percent of the population in Latin America spend about 45 percent of their income on taxes, mostly in the form of consumption taxes, while the richest 1 percent spend less than 20 percent of their income on them. (…) The boundary between the economic and political elite has also become increasingly permeable. Between 2000 and 2025, at least sixteen presidents in eleven countries in the region came to power with a history of being owners, major entrepreneurs, shareholders, or executives of companies. (…) Driven by inequality, violence and the climate crisis, migration is increasingly being treated as a security problem. (…) The issue of migration is thus establishing itself as a new niche of political marketing, while fundamental rights are being undermined. The result is democracies emptied of material content. (…) Focusing on Latin America from Spain should not serve the purpose of emphasizing distances, but rather ringing alarm bells. (…) Conflicts over tax policy, the regulation of economic power, the debunking of myths that legitimize inequality, and the strengthening of citizen participation are not regional tasks, but are urgently necessary on a global level in the spirit of democracy.” Contribution by Rosa Cañete Alonso translated by Rico Espinoza at Amerika21 on May 6, 2026 
• Digital neofascisms are reshaping politics in Latin America. Think tanks, bots and algorithms in the service of authoritarian projects on the subcontinent
  "The mass protests against Javier Milei's policies in Argentina have once again brought into play a phenomenon that permeates the entire region: the advance of neo-fascist projects that operate with coordinated, transnational strategies. These are not mechanical repetitions of Mussolini or Hitler, but networks that adapt old propaganda tactics to a digital, economic and legal system that is hollowing out today's democracies. The 20th century has taught us how the classic Fascisms exploited people's fears, created internal enemies and created social unanimity through propaganda. Today, these methods are reappearing in a different field: on digital platforms, in algorithms and in consulting firms that convert outrage into political capital. Instead of mass rallies in squares, the flood of information unfolds in social networks with micro-content, bots and marketing measures that reproduce Goebbels' logic in a segmented and individualized virtual form Organizations that drive this process forward have names (…)
  Latin America faces a bigger challenge than simply resisting economic austerity. The region must recognize that a multidimensional war is underway. In this war, traditional media, digital platforms, legal officials and parastate actors come together to coordinate operations to delegitimize governments and neutralize popular leaders. The political violence in Argentina, the legal proceedings against personalities in Brazil or Ecuador and the withdrawal of candidacies in elections in various countries show that these are not isolated cases, but rather a systematic approach. The future of the region will depend on whether it is possible to counter these networks and to build up political, social and, above all, economic alternatives that put the representation of the interests of the lower classes at the center again. It is not enough to hold elections. The fight for power now also includes the public space and the fight for the sovereignty of interpretation against a machine that converts disinformation into political power. The challenge is to transform Latin American democracies to be participatory (and not just representative) before the shadows of the past become further entrenched in new forms of authoritarianism.”Contribution from the Nodal editorial teamin the translation by Hans Weber in Amerika21 on November 21, 2025 
  • See also:A Continent Under Pressure: The Impact of Trump's Second Term on Latin America
• The wave of the ultra-right in Latin America: The libertarians' economic program is not a path to freedom, but to alienation and oppression
  See further from the article by the Minga editorial boardin the translation by Susanne Schartz-Laux on March 22, 2024 at Amerika21 : “… Smith and Hayek’s theories are useful for the actual “libertarian project.” This consists of improving the existing conditions for capital accumulation, because capitalism cannot sustain itself without accumulation. Capital accumulates to create new added value. If this is not generated, no capital can be created and capitalism will enter into crisis. Capital accumulation is the engine of capitalist development. It is the cause of both economic success and economic crisis. (…) The libertarians' economic program is not a path to freedom, but rather to alienation and oppression. To serve capital, day after day, hour after hour, minute after minute, in order to survive. This is more than bondage, this is slavery. Their political and social program is the path to fascism. Libertarians will abolish freedom. Given the wave of the ultra-right, it is no longer enough to resist and fight the dark forces, the black shirts camouflaged with light blue economic flags. The progressive forces must exercise self-criticism and think about organization, tactics and strategy so that their vision of society can recapture and change the consciousness of the masses. Because what is important on our continent in the 21st century is the development of a new person without alienation who can fully develop their individual and social potential.”

On the other hand, see also:Being or appearing? The new progressive wave in Latin America

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